All of this was related to the other subject on which I have come back in several films – the inability of the Assembly to agree on a policy of managing the divided society of Northern Ireland. In 2009, I did “The Shared Future” (BBC Northern Ireland, 2009c), which showed life in the integrated spring farm community in Antrim, where Unionists, nationalists and immigrant communities lived together peacefully through the hard work of the community. It contrasts with the impasse in Stormont over the agreement on cohesion, sharing and integration (Devenport, 2010). In 2012, I made a short film that had launched a studio discussion on this subject, which based on the history of the various government documents developed to tackle divisions (BBC Northern Ireland, 2012). But the lack of strategy, and therefore the policy and funding to deal with the division`s legacy, had also been seen in previous films dealing with mixed housing in the Girdwood Barracks (BBC Northern Ireland, 2008) and the increasing attacks on members of Northern Ireland`s “new” communities in “racism” (BBC Northern Ireland, 2009d). I did not agree with this film which showed a communal worker (white) who offered his own version of diversity training for local schools, where the students were also predominantly white. However, I felt that this problematic situation was further evidence of the policy deadlock that had created the executive`s failure to agree on a strategy and another example of how Hearts and Minds were almost forced to adopt “opposition journalism.” The signing of the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland in 1998 was described by the media as a “happy end” to the long-standing history of the conflict in the region, which they have not had to report on for a long time. After they were signed, the UK`s national and international news organisations largely turned away from Northern Ireland coverage, just as local media had just begun a new job. If we accept that the construction of democracy in a post-conflict society is an ongoing process that lasts long after the signing of the “peace agreement”, it is essential to analyze the role of the media in this process. There are very few studies in this area, as Wolfsfeld (2001) and Miller and McLaughlin (1996) have pointed out. Although some scientists studied certain moments or programs in Northern Ireland after 1998 (Fawcett, 2002; Rolston, 2007), as Rolston sums it up, “accustomed to covering war, chains have had difficulty finding imaginative ways to bring peace” (Rolston, 2007: 348).